Introduction and Literature Review sections for your final paper.
The Introduction should provide a brief overview of your paper and introduce your major research question(s) of interest, the literature upon which you base your analytic decisions, the data source(s) and your analytic method(s).
The Literature Review should describe your theoretical and substantive topic of interest for the final paper. Typically, the literature review provides an organized exposition of the ideas and scholarly sources that the student used to develop her/his own ideas for the paper. The literature review should provide a summary of what scholarly work has been done on the student’s area of research (i.e., theory) and also should demonstrate how the student’s work complements or fits into this existing body of knowledge.
The literature review should have 8 sources directly relevant to your topic and the hypothesis you are testing. Five of these sources MUST be academic in nature. Academic sources are peer reviewed journals and books. Newspapers, magazines, Wikipedia, social media and mass media are NOT academic sources. Journals such as the American Political Science Review, Journal of Politics Political Research Quarterly, Social Science Quarterly, etc. are academic sources. You must cite all sources consistently using a standard citation style (e.g., APA, Chicago, etc).
Compare the impact of war on the country’s happiness index with the United States and Yemen
The reason behind driving me to chose this topic is because the middle east is a region that has been involved in many different wars during the past decades. Meanwhile, the U.S. has been relatively peaceful, with the only exception of the 9/11 attack. So, based on the World Values survey I want to compare how happy citizens are in the U.S. compared to Yemen in the middle east that has been in a civil war.
I chose the research topic “V10” and “V185” from the 2010-2012 world values codebook. For that, “V10” there have 4 different categories in taking all things together, would you say you are happy. In category 1 is “ Very Happy,” the 2 is “Rather Happy,” the 3 is “Not very happy,” and category 4 is “Not at all happy.” Plus,” V185” there also have 4 categories in what degree of worries about a civil war situation. Category 1 is “Very much,” 2 is “ A good deal,” 3 is Not much,” 4 is “Not at all.”
The results can hopefully help us reflect on the consequences of war. Furthermore, to create frequency tables in both countries by using the country’s code (V2), the United States is 840, and Yemen is 887 in the survey; review the result from those responders. Besides that, I planned to create a crosstab and my hypothesis implies people who live in the country that are involving a civil war feeling less happy. Thus, I need the probability of the chi-square’s result to verify my hypothesis of a relationship within happiness and war.
(Finding/Result)
(Discussion/Conclusion)
Frequency Table
US
| The feeling of happiness (V10) | |||||
| Frequency | Percent | Valid Percent | Cumulative Percent | ||
| Valid | Very happy | 85 | 37.0 | 37.0 | 37.0 |
| Rather happy | 124 | 53.9 | 53.9 | 90.9 | |
| Not very happy | 20 | 8.7 | 8.7 | 99.6 | |
| Not at all happy | 1 | .4 | .4 | 100.0 | |
| Total | 230 | 100.0 | 100.0 |
Yemen
| The feeling of happiness (V10) | |||||
| Frequency | Percent | Valid Percent | Cumulative Percent | ||
| Valid | Very happy | 18 | 17.1 | 17.1 | 17.1 |
| Rather happy | 51 | 48.6 | 48.6 | 65.7 | |
| Not very happy | 31 | 29.5 | 29.5 | 95.2 | |
| Not at all happy | 5 | 4.8 | 4.8 | 100.0 | |
| Total | 105 | 100.0 | 100.0 |
Reference
https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/war-yemen War in Yemen, Global Conflict Tracker, Last update July 21, 2020. Council on Foreign Relations.
https://www.businessinsider.com/these-are-the-5-countries-that-are-most-impossible-to-conquer-2018-8 There are the 5 countries that are most impossible to conquer, Blake Stilwell, Aug 15, 2018. Business Insider.
Example Paper 1: 1
Example PS300 Paper 1
Dr. Chris Stout
PS 300
22 March 2018
The Relationship Between Party Affiliation and Support for the #MeToo Movement
Abstract
In the past year, a number of women have come forward to share their stories of sexual
abuse, assault, and harassment, sparking the #MeToo Movement. While on the surface it may
seem that sexual assault is a bipartisan issue, some components of the #MeToo movement have
been met with hostility. The main aim of this study is to analyze if political party affiliation
affects one’s support for the #MeToo Movement. To collect data, a survey will be conducted
through the crowdsourcing platform Mturk. The survey will look at a number of demographic
factors (party, race, gender, age etc.) in addition to questions specifically related to the #MeToo
Movement. Due to the current nature of partisan politics and polarization, I expect to see
differing levels of support for the movement between Democrats and Republicans. Since the
#MeToo Movement began as a response to accusations against movie producer Harvey
Weinstein, and is often associated with Hollywood film stars who are considered by many to be
“liberal elites,” I expect Democrats to be more supportive of the movement in comparison to
their Republican counterparts. To test my hypothesis, I conducted chi-square tests, in addition to
a multivariate regression. The results of my tests demonstrated that my hypothesis is correct:
Democrats are more supportive of the #MeToo Movement.
Example Paper 1: 2
Introduction
Recently, a number of women have come forward to share their stories of sexual
misconduct, assault, and harassment, particularly in the workplace. The #MeToo Movement
empowers and provides sexual assault and harassment survivors who were once silenced with a
platform to voice their stories. While on the surface the topics encompassed by the #MeToo
Movement may appear to be bipartisan issues supported both by Democrats and Republicans, the
movement to a degree has been met with hostility by critics. This hostility can potentially
undermine the survivors by discrediting their stories.
The main aim of this study is to analyze if party affiliation affects one’s support for the
#MeToo Movement. To determine whether Democrats or Republicans are more supportive of
the movement, I will create a survey that will be conducted using the crowd sourcing platform
Mturk. The survey will first ask a number of demographic questions to determine details about
the respondents. Among these demographic details will be gender, race, age, and party
affiliation. Next, respondents will answer specific questions regarding sexual assault,
specifically, “how strongly do you support women sharing their experiences of sexual
assault/speaking out against sexual assault?” Following that, respondents will answer questions
specific to the #MeToo Movement, including “how familiar are you with the #MeToo
Movement?” and “how much do you support the #MeToo Movement?” When the data is
collected, a determination will be made as to whether or not party affiliation impacts one’s
support of the movement.
Given the current nature of partisan politics and polarization, I expect to see differing
support between Democrats and Republicans. Additionally, it can be argued that many
Example Paper 1: 3
Republicans have taken a passive approach to addressing sexual assault, primarily because of
their support for Roy Moore in the 2017 Alabama Senate Race, in addition to their support of
President Donald Trump, despite his sexual assault allegations. Another example of this is the
Democratic leadership’s response to sexual harassment accusations against Democratic Senator
Al Franken. Franken was ultimately ousted by his own party after being pressured to resign from
his position. Yet, this cannot be said for Republican political leaders accused of the same, or
worse, allegations. It can therefore be inferred that Republicans will be less supportive of the
#MeToo Movement in comparison to their Democratic counterparts.
After conducting chi-square tests and a multivariate regression, I found that the data
supported my hypothesis. Democrats are indeed more supportive of the #MeToo Movement.
However, party affiliation does not affect one’s overall support for women sharing their stories
of sexual assault; nor does it affect one’s familiarity with the #MeToo Movement.
Literature Review
Previous research suggests that party affiliation influences attitudes about women and
gender issues. For example, in a study entitled Sex and the Grand Old Party: An Experimental
Investigation of the Effect of a Candidate Sex on Support for a Republican Candidate, David C.
King and Richard E. Matland survey 820 Republican adults to analyze whether or not a
candidate’s sex impacts a Republican voter’s attitudes of a candidate. Each respondent was given
the same description of a hypothetical candidate, but half of the sample was told the candidate
was male, and the other half was told the candidate was female. The survey concluded that being
a woman “hurt” the female Republican candidate, providing her no advantage within her own
Example Paper 1: 4
party. In fact, she was seen as “less conservative” and more liberal than the male Republican
candidate with the same description.
In contrast, political independents and Democratic voters were more likely to vote for the
female Republican candidate. This is likely because female Republican politicians are generally
considered to be “more liberal” than their male counterparts due to their gender. This study
demonstrates the point I previously made about the #MeToo Movement. Since #MeToo is
oftentimes viewed as a women’s movement, created by liberal feminists, it is likely to receive
less support from the Republican party in the same way that a female Republican candidate
received less support than a male in the same role.
In addition, there are differing levels of support and varying attitudes in regards to gender
equality from both parties. According to Juliana Horowitz of the Pew Research Center, 69% of
Democrats do not believe the U.S. has gone far enough to address women’s rights, while only
26% of Republicans believe the same statement. In fact, about half of Republicans — 54% —
believe that the current state of gender equality in the U.S. “has been about right.”
These statistics also support my hypothesis in regards to the differing support of the
#MeToo Movement between the two parties. To many Republicans, gender issues are not
relevant, nor a pressing matter in the present day. Therefore many may believe the #MeToo
Movement is unnecessary and pointless. In contrast, Democrats believe more work must be done
to address gender equality, which suggests that they will be far more supportive of the
movement.
Moreover, in a different study by Quinnipiac University, a survey was conducted to
determine whether or not respondents would still consider voting for candidates who have been
Example Paper 1: 5
accused of sexual harassment by multiple people. The study found that 48% of Republicans
would still consider voting for such a candidate, while only 10% of Democrats stated the same.
Additionally, 84% of Democrats said they would “definitely not vote” for a candidate with such
allegations, while only 34% of Republicans agreed. These results clearly demonstrate that there
are differing attitudes surrounding sexual assault between the two parties; Democrats seem to be
much more concerned with issues of sexual abuse compared to Republicans. Therefore, it can be
inferred that Democrats will be more supportive of the #MeToo Movement as a whole.
Data and Methods
To answer the question “does party affiliation affect one’s support for the #MeToo
Movement?”, I utilized the crowd sourcing platform Mturk to conduct a survey. I submitted three
varying questions all relating to women and the #MeToo Movement. The purpose of the first two
questions were to grasp a sense of how familiar the respondents were with the topic, and whether
or not the label of the movement ultimately impacted the ways in which the respondents viewed
sexual assault and harassment. The first question asked “how strongly do you support women
sharing their experiences of sexual assault/speaking out against sexual assault?” and gave the
respondents a sliding scale in which to respond, ranging from 1 (strongly support) to 5 (strongly
oppose). The second question asked the respondents, “how familiar are you with the #MeToo
Movement?” ranging from 1 (extremely familiar) to 5 (not familiar at all). The third question,
and one that pertains directly to my research question and hypothesis is, “how much do you
support the #MeToo Movement?” Respondents rated their support on a negative scale by
selecting 1 (a great deal), 2 (a lot), 3 (a moderate amount), 4 (a little), and 5 (not at all).
Example Paper 1: 6
The Mturk survey also asked a number of demographic questions regarding gender, race
and age, in addition to my independent variable of interest, party affiliation. For the purposes of
this study, I will be focusing only on Democrats and Republicans; Independents will not be taken
into account during my chi-square tests. However, Independents will be used as my omitted
comparison category during my multivariate regression.
Ultimately, my null hypothesis is that there is no relationship between party affiliation
(my independent variable) and support for the #MeToo Movement (my dependent variable). In
contrast, my alternate hypothesis is that Democrats will be more supportive of the #MeToo
Movement.
Since party affiliation is a nominal variable — meaning the variables are categorical and
not arranged in a particular order — I will be conducting a chi-square test to determine whether or
not to reject or accept my null hypothesis. Additionally, I will be conducting a multivariate
regression to account for three control variables which may influence the relationship between
party and support for the #MeToo Movement: gender, race, and age. Since the #MeToo
Movement is generally considered to be a female-focused and feminist movement, women may
be more supportive of the movement in comparison to men. Additionally, if my alternate
hypothesis is correct, and party affiliation does impact one’s support for the movement, race may
potentially play a role, since minorities tend to be more liberal. And lastly, since the #MeToo
Movement has had a significant presence on social media, age may impact one’s support for the
movement. Younger people may be more exposed to #MeToo, and therefore may be more
supportive of it. Party affiliation will also be included in the regression.
Example Paper 1: 7
Before I conducted my chi-square tests, I had to recode “party,” since “independent” and
“other” were also included in the survey. Therefore, I recoded in Stata so both “democrat” and
“republican” were equal to 1, and “independent” and “other” were equal to 0.
Results
From the first chi-square test ( Figure 1), I was able to determine that there is a significant
relationship between party affiliation and support for the #MeToo Movement. The P-Value is
equal to 0.032, which is less than .05. Because of this, we reject the null and assume there is a
significant relationship between party affiliation and one’s support for the movement. It can be
determined from this chi-square test that more Democrats (represented by “1” in Figure 1 )
supported the movement “a great deal” or “a lot” in comparison to their Republican counterparts
(represented by “0” in Figure 1 ).
Figure 1: Chi-Square Test Figure 2: Chi-Square Test
(Support for the #MeToo Movement) (Support for Women Speaking Out)
Example Paper 1: 8
Furthermore, I conducted a chi-square test for the variable “womenspeakout” to
determine whether Democrats are more supportive of women speaking out about sexual assault
and harassment issues in general. For this test, the null hypothesis is that there is no relationship
between party affiliation and support for women speaking out, and the alternate hypothesis is
that Democrats will be more supportive of women speaking out. According to this chi-square test
(Figure 2 ), it can be determined that there is not a significant relationship between party
affiliation and support for women speaking out (0.546 > .05); therefore, we accept the null
hypothesis. This is likely due to the fact that this question was not specifically associated with
the #MeToo Movement. It suggests that while Republicans may support women speaking out,
they may not support the actual movement.
Lastly, I conducted a chi-square test for the variable “metoofamiliar” to see if there is any
variance in familiarity of the movement between both parties. For this test, the null hypothesis is
that there is no relationship between party and the degree to which one is familiar with the
#MeToo Movement, and the alternate hypothesis is that Democrats will be more familiar with
the movement. According to this chi-square test (Figure 3 ), it is clear that there is no relationship
between party and familiarity of the movement. The P-value is more than .05, so we reject the
alternate hypothesis and accept the null.
Example Paper 1: 9
Figure 3: Chi-Square Test
(Familiarity of the #MeToo Movement)
Furthermore, the multivariate regression I conducted (Figure 4 ) reveals that after
controlling for gender, race, and age, there is still a significant relationship (at .05) between the
Democratic party and support for the #MeToo Movement. Therefore, there is still support for my
alternate hypothesis. Additionally, the adjusted R-squared value is equal to 0.1724, which means
there is a 17% variation in the dependent variable “metoosupport” as explained by my
independent variables. Although gender was marginally significant (0.065), aside from
“democrat,” none of my independent variables were statistically significant predictors of my
dependent variable. Moreover, in this regression, political independents serve as the omitted
comparison. Therefore, the “democrat” coefficient (-1.0292) suggests that on a 5-point scale,
Democrats are on average 1.02 points more supportive of the #MeToo Movement in comparison
political independents.
Example Paper 1: 10
Figure 4: Multivariate Regression
Conclusion
In this paper, I have argued that party affiliation has a significant impact on one’s level of
support for the #MeToo Movement, and the chi-square tests I have conducted and the data I have
collected confirms this hypothesis. Democrats tend to be more supportive of the #MeToo
Movement. However, party affiliation does not impact one’s familiarity of the movement or
support for women speaking out against sexual assault in general, which suggests that it is
simply the label of “#MeToo” that may deter many Republicans from supporting the movement.
Additionally, there may be some social desirability bias at play; when respondents are asked
whether or not they support women, the socially desirable answer is yes. However, when masked
by the label of the movement, I saw different results in which those who supported the notion of
women speaking out were ironically less supportive of the movement that encourages women to
do so.
I believe this is largely due to a number factors, many of which I discussed in the
introduction. #MeToo is oftentimes viewed as a “liberal” movement, and the majority of
Example Paper 1: 11
Republicans have taken a passive approach to addressing sexual assault. Arguably, these results
have a number of implications. When the #MeToo Movement becomes labeled as a liberal
campaign, it undermines the survivors of sexual assault and ultimately discredits their stories.
Furthermore, a partisan divide hinders the nation’s ability to truly tackle the issue of sexual
assault and harassment in an effective way.
While this study did support my hypothesis, there are a number of ways in which this
project could be more accurately conducted in the future. For example, there are several
downsides of administering the survey through Mturk. It is a select population rather than a truly
random sample. Consequently, the respondents are not representative of the population as a
whole. Therefore, to improve this study and better support my hypothesis, a nationwide survey
could be administered. Doing so would ensure that the data and results I have collected are truly
applicable to the nation as a whole.
Works Cited
Horowitz, Juliana Menasce, et al. “Wide Partisan Gaps in U.S. Over How Far the Country Has
Come on Gender Equality.” Pew Research Center, 18 Oct. 2017.
King, David C., and Richard E. Matland. “Sex and the Grand Old Party.” American Politics
Research, 2003, pp. 595–612.
Quinnipiac University. “American Voters Have Few Kind Words for Trump, Quinnipiac
University Polls Finds; Expel Moore If He Wins, Voters Say Almost 2-1.” Quinnipiac
University/Poll, 12 Dec. 2017.
